Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women's Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan

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Michael Knapp, Anja Flach, Ercan Ayboğa (2014): Revolution in Rojava. Democratic Autonomy and Women’s Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan. London: Pluto; Michael Knapp, Joost Jongerden (2016): Communal Democracy: The Social Contract and Confederalism in Rojava. Comparative Islamic Studies 10(1), pp. 87–109. [ ↩] As a result of this revolution, a democratic autonomy project was proclaimed. In January 2014, the three Kurdish-majority cantons of Cizîrê, Kobane and Afrin declared their autonomy from the Syrian government. After the collapse of state control, a coalition of Kurdish parties, non-Kurdish groups and organizations, created a transitional alternative administration for the region, based on local councils, which were set up in most cities of northern Syria. Its tasks were the distribution of food and fuel, as well as organizing education, self-defence and justice. The existing infrastructure (water, waste collection etc.) also had to be maintained. Within a few months, there was a functioning council system set in place based on this idea of an autonomous administration. 8 Popular organizations prevented acts of revenge and destruction, protecting the still intact infrastructure. Former state buildings that people were not allowed to enter were transformed into so-called ‘People’s Houses’, cultural centers and educational institutions. A precondition to the implementation of these ideas of democratic autonomy was rallying the local population, Pervin Yusif told RIC. Turkey’s occupation of Rojava, which is a violation of international law, has been well-documented. As RIC’s own ‘State of the Occupation’ reports documented since the last Turkish military operation ended at the end of 2019, the situation in Afrin and the ‘M4 Strip’ has been marked by hundreds of cases of human rights violations. 16 These include war crimes such as looting and hostage-taking, appropriation of property and use of civilian homes for military purposes, interrogation of Kurds about their faith and ethnicity by Turkish officials, denial of food or water to Kurdish prisoners, and the forced displacement of civilians of primarily Kurdish origin from the areas of Afrin, Sere Kaniye, and Tal Abyad that are under effective Turkish control. Likewise, kidnappings, murders, and resettlements are part of everyday life for the people, as is the destruction of olive trees, which in many cases are the livelihood of many people, especially in Afrin.

The previous evening, I'm in the dark streets of Qamishli with two friends when we turn the corner and bump into three men with guns. Two with Kalashnikovs and the third man with an impressive shotgun. This is eleven thirty at night at Biseriye neighborhood, close to the center of Qamishli. The neighborhood is mixed, Kurds, Christians, Arabs. David Graeber (2018): Majority Report with David Graeber on Democratic Confederalism in Northern Syria. www.youtube.com/watch?v=5iWCXQR92v8. [ ↩] The first thing that was important to us, was to reach unity among the people. This was the most important thing. The regime tried to divide the different people from each other: Syrians, Arabs, Kurds. Kurds against themselves, Kurds against Arabs. The regime created a situation where the different people were in a war-situation with each other – even within the groups. So before building up councils and communes, as a basis, we needed for different people to come together, trust and believe each other – and love each other. […] To begin our work, this unity of the people was necessary. We built up all the other institutions where people could come together and have a shared common space, and ensure all other works, on that basis. ” 9 Military Defense, Consolidation and Expansion

Kurdish people have experienced colonisation for centuries

Our system is not a centralized system, it is rather based on the principle of decentralization”, 20 The fundamental basis of this “Social Contract” is the equality and rights of all ethnic, racial and religious groups in Syrian Kurdistan, direct democracy and the rejection of the concept of the nation-state. Next to Maurice another Christian, Gabriel smiles to show he agrees. Now other men with guns flit through the night like ghosts. Barakat, an Arab, Mehsud and Adnan, Kurds.

On October 9 th 2019, Turkey re-launched its invasion of NES under the name of ‘Peace Spring’ with the help of the Syrian National Army (SNA) and other Islamist groups. The invasion followed the US decision to withdraw its troops from Kurdish areas. Turkey justified this invasion in a series of letters to the United Nations, asserting its right to self-defence against a “direct and imminent threat” under Article 51 of the UN Charter and claiming that it “will conduct this operation in support of efforts to ensure the safe and voluntary return of displaced Syrians to their homes.” However, it has become clear that this was merely a pretext for implementing ongoing ethnic cleansing operations in northern Syria targeting the Kurds living there. Thousands of civilians have been forced to flee either to Iraqi Kurdistan or Turkey. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, more than 260,000 Syrians – the vast majority of them Kurds – live in the Iraqi Kurdistan region (as of June 2022). 15 By the end of October 2019, Turkish forces and the SNA had gained control of an area of 3,800 km², stretching from the town of Tal Abyad to Sere Kaniye, and 25-30 kilometers deep. The organizational and territorial changes are reflected not only in the various names of the Autonomous Administration, but also in its basic legal documents. As the political bodies, these, too, have been subject to dynamic changes in the past decade. We fear every day the jihadists who are not even thirty kilometers from here. But along with the fear, we have hope for our future. A different future, a future that will bring peace to all people living in Rojava”.

Towards the Democratization of the Economy?

This step forward is the biggest challenge of the people of Rojava. The fight for survival is waged in the front lines but the ultimate fight for democracy is behind the front lines. Starting from square one and without any substantial help from outside, people in Rojava are making a ground- breaking effort to work their way through and towards democracy.

The denial of a nation state by the people in Rojava is a sign that the Kurds in Syria--and in that regard they fall in line with the thinking of the Kurds of Turkey--don’t want a separate state but an effective autonomy within a democratic Syria. Undoubtedly, behind this wise decision there is also a strategic vision of regional realities. If Kurds in Turkey and Syria insisted on a Kurdish independent state they would immediately spark hostile reactions from Ankara but also from Tehran who has its own Kurdish minority to deal with. In addition to that, such a demand would trigger reactions also from the international community. The difficulties encountered by the Kurds in Iraq in persuading regional powers but also the US and the international community of their cause of independence highlights the realistic limits of such efforts today in the region. In addition to this, despite the undeniable fact that over recent years, triggered by the civil war in Syria and the emergence of Daesh, a pan-Kurdish nationalism is on the rise, things are not as simple as they seem for the creation of a wider pan-Kurdish state. In practice, this means the implementation of a decentralized, grassroots approach in the form of a council democracy that puts communes, the smallest unit in the system, at the center and allows them to act autonomously. By allowing them to speak out and directly influence decision-making, politics becomes an integral part of social life. As a project, ‘democratic confederalism’ functions through these units: the communes, the neighborhood, the (sub-)districts, and the regions. The aspect of decentralization is decisive and is also supported by concrete figures. 70% of the total budget in NES goes to the regions, whereas only 30% goes directly to the higher structures of AANES. 19 We do not fear the jihadists. Here it is them who are afraid of us, because they say that whoever is killed by a woman does not go to heaven “, says Nupelda. Here in Rojava all live together as brothers, no one will separate us. We all fight and resist against the barbarism of the jihadists. We want democracy, we want to be together. As here in the neighborhood Biseriye, everyone helps everyone, there are no dividing lines between Kurds and Christians and Arabs. "

In addition to the legal changes concerning women, the administration of Rojava has imposed in every institution and organization a 40% quota of representation of women, with the remaining 40% being for males and the remaining 20% being for whichever receives the higher number of votes. From the smallest local organization to the parliament and government, this 40% quota is imposed and in many cases there is an obligation to have women as co-presidents or vice-presidents.