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Ebonis Vita Ottonis Episcopi Bambergensis (Classic Reprint)

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Dent S. (2004). Attitudes of Native and Nonnative Speakers of English Toward Various Regional and Social U.S. English Accents. KOJII Languages is designed to spread the linguistic and cultural facets of less known languages across the world. Founded in 2019 by Joshua Conrad-Tanakh and his company JCSURGE, KOJII Languages aims to provide a comprehensive digest program for as many lesser-known languages as possible by providing a unique approach to teaching known as ‘infotainment’ in a semi-formal and informal tone. Please consider sharing our articles, and following us on social media. Payne K., Downing J., Fleming J. C. (2000). Speaking Ebonics in a professional context: the role of ethos/source credibility and perceived sociability of the speaker. J. Techn. Writ. Commun. 30

Blair I. V., Judd C. M., Chapleau K. M. (2004a). The influence of afrocentric facial features in criminal sentencing. Psychol. Sci. 15 The source of habitual be in AAE is still disputed. Some linguists suggest it came from the finite be in the 17th-to-19th century English of British settlers (perhaps especially those from South West England, but the usage may be the recent " Mummerset" in this context). Other linguists believe that it came from Scots-Irish immigrants, whose Ulster Scots dialects mark habitual verb forms with be and do be. Purnell T., Idsardi W., Baugh J. (1999). Perceptual and phonetic experiments on American English dialect identification. J. Lang. Soc. Psychol. 18 This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. These distinctive Ebonics pronunciations are all systematic, the result of regular rules and restrictions; they are not random 'error'--and this is equally true of Ebonics grammar. For instance, Ebonics speakers regularly produce sentences without present tense is and are, as in "John trippin" or "They allright". But they don't omit present tense am. Instead of the ungrammatical *"Ah walkin", Ebonics speakers would say *"Ahm walkin." Likewise, they do not omit is and are if they come at the end of a sentence--"That's what he/they" is ungrammatical. Many members of the public seem to have heard, too, that Ebonics speakers use an 'invariant' be in their speech (as in "They be goin to school every day"); however, this be is not simply equivalent to is or are. Invariant be refers to actions that occur regularly or habitually rather than on just one occasion. What do people think of Ebonics?Cargile A. C., Bradac J. J. (2001). Attitudes toward language: a review of speaker-evaluation research and a general process model. Ann. Int. Commun. Assoc. 25 Labov W., Ash S., Boberg C. (2008). The Atlas of North American English: Phonetics, Phonology and Sound Change. It should be said, incidentally, that at least SOME of the overwhelmingly negative reaction to the Oakland resolutions arose because the resolutions were misinterpreted as proposals to teach Ebonics itself, or to teach in Ebonics, rather than as proposals to respect and take it into account while teaching standard English. The method of studying language known as 'contrastive analysis' involves drawing students' attention to similarities and differences between Ebonics and Standard English. Since the 1960s, it has been used successfully to boost Ebonics speakers' reading and writing performance in Standard English, most recently in public schools in DeKalb County, GA, and in Los Angeles, CA (as part of the LA Unified School District's Academic English Mastery Program). Where did Ebonics come from?

Kushins E. R. (2014). Sounding like your race in the employment process: an experiment on speaker voice, race identification, and stereotyping. Race Soc. Problems 6 Warnes G. R., Bolker B., Lumley T., Johnson R. C. (2018). gmodels: various R Programming Tools for Model Fitting. Ebonics pronunciation includes features like the omission of the final consonant in words like 'past' (pas' ) and 'hand' (han'), the pronunciation of the th in 'bath' as t (bat) or f (baf), and the pronunciation of the vowel in words like 'my' and 'ride' as a long ah (mah, rahd). Some of these occur in vernacular white English, too, especially in the South, but in general they occur more frequently in Ebonics. Some Ebonics pronunciations are more unique, for instance, dropping b, d, or g at the beginning of auxiliary verbs like 'don't' and 'gonna', yielding Ah 'on know for "I don't know" and ama do it for "I'm going to do it." What does Ebonics look like?Baugh, John. 2000. Beyond Ebonics: Linguistic pride and racial prejudice.Oxford: Oxford University Press. Well, why does this matter? As flippantly as we can talk of language myths, put simply, what’s widely considered bad grammar, or bad language, can have truly problematic repercussions for how many people live, especially for those who speak dialects that aren’t considered standard, mainstream, or prestigious. It still is very much the case that many people, without thinking, can harbor negative assumptions about the different ways other people speak. This can have a profound effect on how whole speech communities can live, learn, work, and even play. Getting job interviews, renting an apartment, raising kids to have better options and advantages, even getting through an unexpected, fraught interaction with the police— all these things can be made much harder simply because of a particular accent or dialect. Osborne D., Davies P. G. (2013). Eyewitness identifications are affected by stereotypes about a suspect’s level of perceived stereotypicality. Group Proces. Intergroup Rel. 16 Put simply, when someone is a speaker of a language, they are said to have communicative competence in that language. Communicative competence consists of two parts: The first is linguistic competence, which means that a speaker knows the parts of a language and how to put them together. The second is performance, which basically means that the speaker of a language also knows how to use the language in terms of who should speak it, to whom, and in what situations. Faul F., Erdfelder E., Buchner A., Lang A.-G. (2009). Statistical power analyses using G*Power 3.1: tests for correlation and regression analyses. Behav. Res. Methods 41

Rosen R. K. (2017). What’s in a Voice? Effects of Dialect Perception on Activation of Crime Stereotypes.

3. Introduction To Ebonics: The Relexification of African Grammar With English and Other Indo-European Words

Cutler C. (2003). “Keepin’ It Real”: white hip-hoppers’ discourses of language, race, and authenticity. J. Linguist. Anthropol. 13 Georgia State’s Washington describes the Oakland resolution as mistaken and remembers the media response as an expression of racist attitudes in America at the time. And she says she was extremely nervous about participating in the The Atlantic article featuring her work and the dialect that came out earlier this month. But she believes that, after years of keeping their heads down, advocates of using the dialect to teach mainstream classroom English are re-emerging. “The dynamics have changed… The times have changed.” Lippi-Green R. (1997). The Standard Language Myth English With an Accent: Language, Ideology, and Discrimination in the United States.

Slade A., Narro A. J. (2012). “ An acceptable stereotype: the Southern image in television programming” in Mediated images of the South: the Portrayal of Dixie in Popular Culture. This ideological position would have several practical implications — teachers with knowledge of Ebonics could possibly be paid more, funds would be used to teach all teachers Ebonics, and this knowledge of Ebonics would be applied in teaching students Standard English. Instead of treating Ebonics as a lazy form of English, it would be recognized as a legitimate form of language in its own right, with patterns and systematicity equal to those of Standard English. Students who speak Ebonics at home would not be required to learn Standard English seemingly by osmosis, but rather would be taught the specifics of the standard dialect explicitly. Ain’t nobody got time for double negatives…said no grammar pedant ever. To a prescriptivist, using double negatives for actually emphasizing more negation is just the worst. If I’m not saying nothing, obviously I must be saying something. As the assumption goes, because two negatives must logically cancel each other out, people who use double negatives in this way must also logically be uneducated or unintelligent. This, of course, is a false belief that is still widely shared in mainstream American culture (possibly even among speakers who regularly use double negation themselves). Williams, Robert (28 January 1997). "Ebonics as a bridge to standard English". St. Louis Post-Dispatch. p.14. The equivalent, Tolliver-Weddington (1979); the antonym, Smith (1992) and Smith (1998); both as summarized in Baugh's words.Dragojevic M., Berglund C., Blauvelt T. K. (2018). Figuring out who’s who: the role of social categorization in the language attitudes process. J. Lang. Soc. Psychol. 37 Other linguists are drawn to the similarities between Ebonics and Caribbean Creole English varieties, for instance, the fact that both frequently drop is and are , and that both permit dropping word initial d, b, and g in tense-aspect markers (Caribbean examples include habitual/progressive (d)a, past tense (b)en, and future (g)on). These traits suggest that some varieties of American Ebonics might have undergone the kinds of simplification and mixture associated with Creole formation in the Caribbean and elsewhere. They might also suggest that American Ebonics was shaped by the high proportions of Creole-speaking slaves that were imported from the Caribbean in the earliest settlement periods of the thirteen original colonies.

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